On the opposite hand, proportional representation found on content slates does have a cohesive outcome by favoring parties with a national infantry of support. While regional parties can elect members of parliament, their ability to do so is modified by their support base as a divvy up of the national population. The dominant parties in parliament can be expected to be those parties with a wide following finished most regions of Freedonia.
The consequences of a first-past-the-post multitude system based on electoral territorial dominions ar more or less a mirror image of the above. The overall tendency of dominion camp voting is to weightlift toward a 2-party system. Third-party voters are incessantly at risk of "wasting" their vote on a candidate with little hope of gaining a plurality.
Not beard are these votes "wasted;" a third-party voter often whitethorn find that the less appealing of the two leading candidates has been elected. A vote for the other major candidate might release a result that is suboptimal (to the voter concerned) but would at least elect the lesser of evils rather than the greater. This consideration drives district plurality systems toward party consolidation and two dominant parties, usually center-left and center-right. Parties with thoroughgoing agendas rarely achieve even a few seats, since that would assume winning a p
It is recommended, however, that the threshhold plant for party representation in Parliament be do considerably superiorer, perhaps at ten percent. This will destine the emergence of separate parties in general, and place a high bar on Volkovich's FPF. It will also tend to push HAF-leaning voters toward the stronger of its singular groups, discouraging further fragmentation of the coalition.
On the other hand, district plurality voting tends toward parochialism. The one type of splinter party that can thrive in such a system is a regional party that can total on winning a plurality in numerous districts within its region.
Thus, while most types of ideological or single-issue parties are starved under a district plurality system, regionalist parties whitethorn thrive. If some region of the country is a center of ultra (particularly separatist) sentiment a regional party with that power base may accordingly reflect an extreme agenda. Thus, while district plurality voting disfavors small national parties, it may provide a space for regionalist parties.
Such, in outline, are the general characteristics of the two forms of parliamentary system that are proposed for Freedonia. Each specific device has deficiencies that should be noted. The proportional draft has a low prohibition of four percent, which will tend to encourage splinter parties. The district plurality draft has no runoff provision. In twain cases, the result may be governments with sub-majority support, if the opposition is too disunited to coalesce either in a strong national coalition (in the proportional system) or behind candidates in individual districts (in the district plurality system).
Moreover, Freedonia has a non-mature political culture. The KGC party mud much the most powerful in the country, and its
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