The remainder of this prove addresses that question, non directly, barely through critical examination of a variety of creates, books and articles, which put one over considered the Munich conference and the events and pops which surrounded it. The nature of the materials, which chase much of the same(p) ground, do not lend themselves to a sharp structural division of this essay. In a global way, however, an attempt has been made to organize the discussion as follows. First, the issue of Munich is summarized. Then, an extended consideration is attached to perspectives critical and relatively auxiliary of the decision reached by Britain and France, and in particular by Britain, the secernate Western player at that juncture. Attention is then given to perspectives on French behavior and policy, and then to those of the Soviet Union, the one atomic number 63an Great Power not represented at Munich. Finally, alternative possible outcomes are considered, conclusing with this writer's own evaluation of Munich and its significance.
"During the xviii months before September 1939," writes Christopher Thorne in his book, The Approach of War, 1938-1939,
The Great Powers of Europe were nominally at peace;
never outside war had the continent kn
Wheeler-Bennett, D. C. "The Drama of Munich." In Lee, Dwight E., ed. Munich: Blunder, Plot, or Tragic Necessity? Lexington, MA: D. C. Heath, 1970, 51-54.
its allies, "the result would have been worse than Poland."
Eubank, Keith. Munich. Norman: University of Oklahoma, 1963.
Arnold Toynbee, the historian best known to the usual public for his sweeping and controversial book, A Study of History, was perhaps better known in the professional community for his work on the annual Survey of Inter subject Affairs.
As suggested by its bifurcated title, his "Chamberlain and Hitler--Britain and France" deals with two types of misunderstanding in the events leading up to Munich, a personal misunderstanding between Chamberlain and Hitler and a national misunderstanding between the two Western allies.
The question, of course, is why? bonny print and lawyerly arguments can be marshalled or ignored, according to a government's perception of its interests, and the state of public mental picture. In turn, public opinion itself can be influenced, or even, as Nogueres points out, misled. The propagandistic energy, in 1938, was all on the side of the peace party, including its more or less covertly pro-German elements.
Appeasement failed in dealing with Hitler, suggests Gilbert, not because appeasement as an element of policy was inherently flawed, but because Hitler posed a problem by no heart and soul typical in statecraft.
a period of tension and fear. The meshing which
The ordinary smooth and balanced phrases of diplomacy,
The title of Keith Eubank's "The Riddle," in the same author's World War II: Roots and Causes, refers to this core question. Was the Munich gathering a colossal bluncer, a surrender to Hitler's bluff, or was it a "tragic necessity," rendered necessary by the Allies' military unreadiness and their need to vitiate time for rearmament? On paper, the combined Allied and Czechoslovak forces were a presumable match for the German
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